Trump’s incoming chief of staff is a former lobbyist. She’ll face a raft of special interests

Washington (AP) One of Susie Wiles’ most difficult tasks as the next White House chief of staff will be managing the plethora of influential groups that are vying for Donald Trump’s favor.

She is familiar with this world. She advocated for a number of them throughout Trump’s first term.

Trump initially won office on a platform of clearing the swamp in Washington. However, as his administration was embroiled in a string of influence-peddling scandals, his transactional approach to the presidency instead brought to a boom in lobbying that rewarded loyalists, including Wiles, with lucrative contracts, gave power to wealthy business acquaintances, and stalled his objectives.

Trump’s triumph is likely to give those who believe they can have his ear more confidence as he gets ready to take office again, increasing the likelihood that his second administration will encounter many of the same challenges as his first. The ability of Wiles to oversee an increasing number of powerful individuals, such as Trump’s children, his son-in-law Jared Kushner, and billionaires like Elon Musk, who won’t rely on her for access to the president, will be put to the test.

Craig Holman, a registered lobbyist for the government watchdog organization Public Citizen, stated that the selection of a former lobbyist to such a significant position portends bad things for the upcoming Trump administration. Trump made no mention of draining the swamp this time. He isn’t even acting.

A spokesperson for the Trump transition team, Brian Hughes, denied in a statement that Wiles’ background as a lobbyist would render her vulnerable to pressure.

According to Hughes, Susie Wiles has an unquestionable reputation for having the utmost integrity and a strong dedication to serving both inside and outside of government. She will serve President Trump at the White House with the same dedication and integrity, which is precisely why she was chosen.

The work of Wiles won’t be simple.

Trump’s first post-election announcement was the appointment of Wiles as chief of staff. The former president’s campaign was co-led by Wiles, who was largely praised for managing a much more organized organization than his two prior campaigns. She will still have a lot of work ahead of her. Despite the fact that the position has historically involved controlling who gets access to the president, Trump sneered at such initiatives during his first term as president, firing four chiefs of staff.

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In his recent victory address, Trump referred to Wiles as an Ice Maiden and praised her as the epitome of a backstage player. She will hold the position for the first time ever as a woman.

It’s also evident that Wiles, 67, has a long history of managing stubborn individuals in government, lobbying, and politics. Wiles, who is the daughter of NFL star and sportscaster Pat Summerall, worked for conservative icon U.S. Representative Jack Kemp in the 1970s before working as a scheduler in Ronald Reagan’s White House and on his campaign.

Later, she moved to Florida, where she counseled two mayors of Jacksonville and is recognized for having aided businessman Rick Scott, who is currently a U.S. senator, in his bid for governor. She briefly handled Utah Governor Jon Huntsman’s 2012 presidential campaign before taking leading Trump’s 2016 campaign in Florida, where his victory helped him secure the White House.

Wiles worked for a television network in Venezuela.

Wiles worked as a partner at Ballard Partners, a local firm that represented Trump’s businesses in Florida through lobbying. Ballard opened up business in Washington shortly after Trump’s election and swiftly rose to prominence, earning over $70 million in lobbying fees during Trump’s presidency and representing the elite of corporate America, according to lobbying disclosures.

A large number of Wiles’ clients were simple organizations with clear objectives. General Motors is a trade association serving the City of Jacksonville, Florida, housing builders, and pediatric institutions.

One in particular caught my attention since it illustrates the various ways foreign interests try to sway U.S. policy, no matter how subtle. Wiles registered in 2017 as a lobbyist for Globovisi, a Venezuelan television network controlled by Ra l Gorr, a businessman who was accused of money laundering in Miami.

Gorrn tempered its anti-government programming as soon as he acquired the broadcast company in 2013. According to lobbying filings, he engaged Ballard to provide advice on general government policies and regulations. However, Ballard’s lobbying was focused on the White House, which would have minimal authority to regulate a foreign broadcaster in the United States, rather than the organizations that regulate telecommunications. Ballard received $800,000 from Globovisi for a year’s labor.

Gorr n worked to support the leaders of Venezuela.

The firm’s president, Brian Ballard, stated that he could see that Gorr’s objectives extended beyond the media industry. Gorr, the owner of multiple opulent Miami residences, has long positioned himself as a liaison between U.S. officials and Venezuela’s socialist regime.

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By the time Wiles and a group of Ballard lobbyists represented Globovisi, Gorr n was spearheading a low-key charm push for Nicol Maduro’s administration, which aimed to strengthen its relationship with Trump during a period of hyperinflation, rampant crime, and food shortages. Citgo, a division of Venezuela’s state-owned oil firm, contributed $500,000 to Trump’s inauguration before he was elected president.

“He was a fraud, and we fired him as soon as we found out,” Ballard said. He would ask us to arrange numerous events in D.C. and Los Angeles, but nothing would ever come of it. All of it was a dream. All he wanted to do was employ our firm.

The businessman was charged by federal prosecutors a few days after Ballard dropped Gorr in 2018 for allegedly using the U.S. financial system to provide Venezuelan officials with private jets, a yacht, and champion show-jumping horses as part of a fraudulent loan scheme that was carried out by insiders to embezzle state funds. He was charged a second time last month, this time from Miami, in a different conspiracy to embezzle $1 billion from PDVSA, the state oil corporation.

It is said that Wiles is a straight shooter.

According to Ballard, Wiles barely played a part in overseeing the relationship with Gorr and a number of other clients for whom she is registered as a lobbyist. Despite her gentle manner, he commended her as a very well-organized, straight shooter who is tough as nails.

He said, “She’s the kind of person you want in a foxhole.” She will be a good servant to the president.

Maduro attempted to employ at least two additional lobbyists as part of his peacemaking push during Trump’s first term. But then it died out. In 2019, the White House slapped crushing oil sanctions on the OPEC nation, closed the U.S. Embassy in Caracas and recognized the head of the opposition-controlled National Assembly as the country s legitimate ruler. Maduro was then indicted in 2020 by the U.S. Justice Department on federal drug trafficking charges out of New York.

Gorr n has long denied any wrongdoing and remains a fugitive. In a brief interview with The Associated Press, he called Wiles a lady and said she always acted professionally and humanely.

Ballard called the firm s work for Gorr n a big mistake. Going forward, Ballard expects access to the White House to be more tightly controlled just as his firm, after a steep learning curve during the first Trump administration, will do a better job vetting potential clients to make sure their interests align with the president s agenda.

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We learned a lot, he says, and so did the president.

Foreign clients

Globovisi n wasn t Wiles only client with foreign ties.

In early 2019, she registered with the Justice Department as a foreign agent working for one of Nigeria s main political parties for two months. Another client was an auto dealership owned by Shafik Gabr, a wealthy businessman who was in a financial dispute related to selling cars in Egypt with the subsidiary of the German automaker Volkswagen.

Wiles was also a registered lobbyist for the subsidiaries of a multi-national gaming company and a Canadian company looking to build a massivecopper and gold minenear Alaska s salmon-rich Bristol Bay.

Wiles was hardly an outlier in Trump s Washington, where his eponymously named hotel served as a hub for lobbyists, business leaders and foreign governments looking to rub shoulders with Trump World figures as they sought the president s favor.

Though much of it was part of the normal course of business in Washington, a number of Trump allies and advisers were investigated and charged with crimes linked to their work on behalf of foreign countries and entities.

After becoming Trump s de facto campaign manager in 2022, Wiles kept on lobbying, this time for Mercury, a multinational public affairs and lobbying firm. Most recently she was representing the maker of Swisher Sweets cigars.

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Goodman reported from Miami and Suderman from Richmond, Virginia.

The Associated Press, 2024. All rights reserved. All rights reserved. It is prohibited to publish, broadcast, rewrite, or redistribute this content without authorization.

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